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FTA With ASEAN:MORE PAIN THAN GAIN FROM, by Dr P K Vasudeva,5 October 2009 |
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Events &
Issues
New
Delhi, 5 October 2009
FTA With ASEAN
MORE PAIN THAN GAIN FROM
By
Dr P K Vasudeva
After six long years India
and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) finally managed to get
their act together and sign a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) as part of the
Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement. This is no doubt an important
landmark in relations between the two sides since it will be instrumental in
freeing the bilateral trade exchange, which was worth around $40 billion in
2008-09 and is targeted to hit $50 billion by 2010.
But the process leading up to the signing of the FTA has been a tortuous
one, the pressures during the final lap perhaps being serious enough to bring
forward the signing by a couple of months. According to one school of thought, New
Delhi has been somewhat impatient to get on with its ‘policy of engagement’
with the eastern world so much so that the signing was advanced (it was earlier
scheduled to be timed with the October ASEAN summit.)
The fact is that the India-ASEAN FTA stipulation on some plantation
items has raised the hackles of the farm community, specially in the South, wherein
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself has been forced to take the initiative to
allay their fears by deputing senior Central Ministers to look into their
problems. Apart from crude palm oil, items such as auto parts, textiles,
electronics, food processing and milk products have been put on the zero-duty
list, which will result in cheaper imports from ASEAN.
Consumers on this end of the Bay of Bengal
might appreciate this but manufacturers have reason to worry. The Government is
aware of this and has consequently approached the ADB for an Asian Integration
Adjustment Assistance Facility for protection of the affected manufacturers.
Some may find it difficult to understand why items (around 5,000) which had
been put on the negative list in both the India-Singapore and India-Thailand
free trade agreements have been put on the zero-duty list with ASEAN,
indicating a difference in treatment not justified by ground realities.
Since ASEAN import duties are already on the low side compared to
India’s — more than 75 per cent of Indian exports already enter the ASEAN
market duty-free — the former stands to gain more from the FTA than India. Seen
another way, while the ‘macro gain’ will be ASEAN’s, the ‘micro pain’ will be
felt by India’,
as is in fact being widely apprehended.
The good news, however, is the opening up of the services and
investments sectors, negotiations on which are expected to be concluded by year-end.
After all, ASEAN services imports were worth $180 billion in 2007, and India is well
placed in terms of cost and expertise to exploit it effectively.
The moot point is that does the FTA in goods — agriculture and manufactured
— with ASEAN promise gains to both the parties? While it will definitely
provide greater market access to ASEAN of the biggest market in India, the same does not hold good for India vice
versa in ASEAN markets of 10 countries in different stages of development.
The agreed modalities between the two parties and the interaction with
trade policy analysts suggest that under the India-ASEAN FTA, New Delhi has offered to
bring down the Customs duty on more than 7,300 tariff lines by end-December
2013. This would constitute over 71 per cent of the imports from ASEAN to India. Each
tariff line is just a category of related products and might contain more than
one item. Indian Customs tariff contain over 11,000 individual tariff lines.
The impact of such duty-free import regime on the Indian industry can be
gauged by contrasting the items India
deemed sensitive and opt not to offer any duty cut under the FTA individually
with Singapore and Thailand with
that of ASEAN now.
Since the Customs duty is being whittled down to zero on more than 70
per cent of products by end-December 2013, India’s list covers thousands of
items being manufactured by its small and medium industries. They include many
tariff lines from the sectors such as food processing, milk products,
agricultural items, paper products and pharma items, besides light
manufacturing goods, electronics, motorcar equipment, and textiles.
Trade policy experts cite reports of India’s move to approach the ADB
for loan assistance to compensate industries that are likely to be hit by the
FTA. In fact, the former Minister of State for Commerce, Jairam Ramesh, sought
from the ADB last November for such an Asian Integration Adjustment Assistance
Facility to help countries contracting FTA that gives “macro gains but also
inflicts micro pains”.
Industry people quip that the macro gain would go to the ASEAN and the
micro pain is what they are left with. They state that the product on which
zero duty regime is scheduled to be ushered covers over 55 per cent of India’s
global imports (2007-08 figures), offering ASEAN large scope of trade expansion
at the cost of other efficient suppliers to India. Thus, imports from ASEAN
would replace imports from other countries, even as the cheap imports from
ASEAN countries would affect most domestic segments of industry, besides
agriculture by entering here duty-free.
On the negative list by which no duty cut is proposed, both the parties
resolved that while India
had to maintain one consolidated negative list of 489 items for all the ASEAN
countries, individual ASEAN country would hold negative list of 489 tariff
lines as per individual country sensitivity to Indian imports. Effectively this
implies that India
has less than 50-60 items in its negative list for each ASEAN country, a patent
asymmetric pact from negotiation angle, leaving legions of domestic industries
vulnerable to dumping and material injury.
While India-ASEAN trade has boomed from $7 billion in 2000-01 to $39
billion in 2007-08 with a compounded annual growth rate of 28 per cent, so too
has India’s
trade deficit with the ASEAN members from a level of $3.5 billion to $14.5
billion in 2007. This was at a time when India was having a high tariff
wall.
India and ASEAN
are currently negotiating Agreements on Trade in Services and Investment, which
are to be concluded by December 2009. New
Delhi looks forward to access the vast services market
of ASEAN. India’s
total trade in services was $ 137.50 billion in 2006. The corresponding figure
for ASEAN is $ 280.90 billion. Similarly, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)
attracted by India
in 2007-08 was $ 24.60 billion, whereas ASEAN member countries attracted FDI
totalling $ 60.50 billion in 2007.
Perhaps, all is not lost as the imbalance in goods trade could be
surmounted by beginning negotiations on services with ASEAN under the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation
Agreement (CECA) since India
is the 10th largest exporter of services and ASEAN is a net importer. --INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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Urban Housing:REALISTIC SLUM POLICY CRUCIAL, by Dhurjati Mukherjee,5 October 2009 |
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Open Forum
New Delhi, 5 October 2009
Urban Housing
REALISTIC SLUM
POLICY CRUCIAL
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
The World Habitat Day, this October 5 was yet another grim
reminder of the plight of the millions of homeless and the Government’s dilemma
of how to make the country slum-free in the coming five years. Will the Urban
Development Ministry’s latest scheme – Rajiv
Gandhi Awas Yojana – with an initial budget of Rs 5,000 crores and aimed at
constructing 10 lakh affordable houses meet targets?
The much-publicised scheme envisages extending financial
support under Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) to
States that “are willing to assign property rights” to people living in slums. On
its part, the Centre will encourage States to increase the supply of land and
construct 10 lakh houses in the first phase by giving a grant of Rs 50,000 for
every dwelling unit or bear 25 per cent of all civic services proposed in the
housing project.
It is understood that to get the Central grant, projects
should have houses ranging from 300 sq. ft. to 1200 sq. ft. plinth area built
at affordable rates on land provided by the State Government. A minimum of 25
per cent houses of 300 sq. ft. will be compulsory for the economically weaker
sections (EWS) in each project to be allotted. Further, to minimize the cost of
construction, the scheme aims to come with layouts which mix EWS/Low Income Group
(LIG) with Medium Income Group/ High Income Group (MIG/HIG) and commercial
set-ups and cross subsidizing plans.
The Yojana will ensure that the urban poor can access loans
under interest subsidy scheme which provides five per cent subsidy on loans up
to Rs one lakh. Moreover, States have been asked to cut stamp duty to a maximum
two per cent for LIG and 0 per cent for EWS category to reduce the cost of
houses.
These are no doubt welcome steps. But the problem is so
acute with available resources being limited that development authorities have
not been quite successful to cope up with the challenge affecting the EWS and
the LIG sections constituting over 50 per cent of the population. In 2007, the National Housing & Habitat Policy found
the total shortage in the country to be around 24.71 million dwelling units out
of which 21.78 million units (around 88 per cent) constitute the shortage for
the EWS and 2.89 million units (around 11.7 per cent) shortage for the LIG. In
addition, there is the problem of the shelterless, who reside in pavements,
squatter settlements etc.
The total investment required for meeting the housing
shortage at the beginning of the 11th Five Year Plan was estimated
at Rs 147,195 crores and the investment required during the Plan period stands
at Rs 214,123 crores. The proposed plan of providing ‘Housing for All’ by 2010 or even by 2015 would become virtually
impossible with which the Government is unfortunately not much concerned.
Schemes such as the National Slum Development Programme (NSDP), Valmiki
Ambedkar Awas Yojana (VAMBAY), Indira Awas Yojana, the JNNURM and the 2 Million
Housing Programme (2 MHP), which have reportedly focused on the EWS and the LIG
sections, have not till date been able to meet the desired targets.
The UN Committee on Economic, Social & Cultural in its
most recent review (2008) pointed out that India has to “address the acute
shortage of affordable housing by adopting a national strategy in a plan of
action on adequate housing and by building or providing low-cost housing units,
specially for the disadvantaged and low-income groups, including those living
in slums”. It also brought out another dimension of the problem relating to
displacement and forced eviction and urged the Government to take immediate
measures to effectively enforce laws and regulations and “ensure that persons
evicted from their homes and lands be provided with adequate compensation
and/or offered alternative accommodation”.
It has to be accepted that evictions have been increasing
and estimates reveal that the total number of families affected in the 64
cities where the JNNURM is currently being implemented is over one million. In Delhi alone, between 2000
and 2006 around one lakh families were forcibly evicted while a massive
eviction drive in Mumbai between November 2004 and March 2005, the State
government destroyed 92,000 homes in 44 areas.
Moreover, in several cities people living in squatter settlements have
been evicted without any due process and pushed to the city outskirts.
Thus apart from construction of houses, slum upgradation is
indeed a stupendous task as around 35 per cent of the urban population lives in
such settlements, unauthorized colonies or on pavements. A UN Habitat report a
few years ago found out that more people live in Mumbai’s slums than in the
entire country of Norway.
Worse, only 7-8 per cent of slum households have direct access to water and
private toilets.
The work
of resettlement, upgradation or construction of houses for the poor have no doubt,
to be financed by the Government but it would be better if the implementation
is left to voluntary organizations for better results. Article 54 of the
Habitat Agenda (1997) noted that Governments at the appropriate levels should
carry out certain key functions. These include: One, promote self-help housing
within the context of a comprehensive land-use policy.
Two, integrate
and regularize self-built housing, specially through appropriate land
registration programmes, as a holistic part of the overall housing and
infrastructure system in urban and rural areas, subject to a comprehensive
land-use policy. Three, encourage efforts to improve self-built housing through
better access to resources including land, finance and building materials.
Four, develop the means and methods to improve the standards of self-built
housing.
Five, encourage
community-based and NGOs in their role of assisting and facilitating the
production of self-built housing. Six, facilitate regular dialogue and gender-sensitive
participation of the various actors involved in housing production at all
levels and stages of decision making. And, lastly mitigate the problems related
to spontaneous human settlements through programmes and policies that
anticipate unplanned settlements.
These need to be adhered to in finalization of a realistic
slum policy (by modification of the earlier draft) and incorporating
suggestions received from various voluntary organizations. All slums, whether
recognized or unauthorized, have to be upgraded with minimum basic facilities
so that it is worthy of living and proper rehabilitation given to all evictees.
This work is more of a priority than construction of new houses for the
economically weaker sections.
The right to housing is now being debated the world over as it
guarantees the right to live in security, peace and dignity. And the right to
shelter involves not just adequate shelter but related rights such as access to
safe drinking water and sanitation, security of land tenure and protection from
forced evictions. But trends indicate that the economic policies being followed
in most Third World countries, including India, are working against the
interests of the weaker sections.
Creation of slummish settlements is not just a problem by itself but a
manifestation of a larger problem. A problem of unjust and inequitable land
holdings and that majority of the urban poor live in less than 1/10th
of the city space that too in pockets blighted and extremely marginal. When
will all this change? -- INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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Strike-A-Day-Nation:BANDH KARO YEH NATAK!,by Poonam I Kaushish,3 October 2009 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
New Delhi, 3 October 2009
Strike-A-Day-Nation
BANDH KARO
YEH NATAK!
By Poonam I Kaushish
From Lokmanya Tilak’s “Swaraj is my
birth right” to ‘strike is my birth right’. Indeed, over the decades India has
trudged the treacherous protest road to become a strike-a-day nation. Wherein a
person’s freedom ends at the tip of the others nose!
Think. Last week air operations at
several airports were thrown into disarray thanks to nearly 150 disgruntled
executive Air India
pilots going on enmass "sick leave," over the cash-strapped airline’s
decision to slash their productivity-linked incentives by 50-70%. No matter
that the four-day strike cost the nation over Rs 800 crores. The end? Status
quo ante.
A repeat of Jet Airways 400-odd
pilots going on mass "sick leave" two weeks earlier. Their cause? Reinstate two colleagues, sacked for
trying to establish a union. The dispute was settled only after the airline succumbed
to the pilots demands. Earlier in the year doctors in Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka too resorted to strong-arm tactics.
The latest to join the strike brigade were IIT professors.
Importantly, what makes these cases
strikingly apart from strikes in general is that it’s for the first time that
white-collared workers have resorted to what was the favourite tool of their
blue-collared brethren. The only difference being that instead of going on a
strike they resorted to en mass sick leave. Particularly, as the law bars
“officials” from indulging in blackmailing tactics as they are a part and
parcel of the management.
It is most shameful that pilots who get
astronomical salary-allowances (Rs 4-6 lakhs per month) should hold airlines
and passengers hostage. Putting the
flying janata through untold misery,
missed connections, saying goodbyes to holidays, appointments, medical help et
al. Given, that all these years they have enjoyed good
times. A little sacrifice during hard times would not have made much difference
to their hefty pay-packet but would speak volumes about their commitment to
work, responsibility as educated professionals to ensure their dedication and
diligence to the job and the ethics entailed. This applies to doctors,
engineers and educationists as well.
Have they all forgotten their duty as
public servants? Primarily to serve the aam
janata. Considering that their salary and other creature comforts come from
the tax-payers hard-earned money. The less said the better of the rampant ghoos-khori. Without greasing palms no work gets done.
Tragically, turn
North- South, East-West, any mohalla,
city or State on any given day, the story is the same. Some disgruntled group
is on strike to protest some grievance or failure leading to life coming to a
standstill. Call it a bandh, hartal,
rasta roko, chakka jam what you may matters little. Raising a moot point: Are strikes
actually expression of freedom or are they means of suppressing fundamental
rights in a democracy?
Arguably, not a few would simply shrug it off with “sab chalta hai attitude, this is Mera Bharat Mahan at its rudest and
crassest best.” Many would assert ki pharak painda hai. But the fact is
that these strikes have exposed how dangerous this game has become. No longer
can we dismiss it as a system’s failure.
Think. West Bengal has the
maximum bandhs, an average
of 40-50 per year. Followed by Tamil Nadu and Gujarat.
In Kerala a single day's shutdown costs the State Rs 700 crore. Divided by the
State’s population it translates to Rs 233 per Keralite. Manipur experienced 52
bandhs and 43 blockades in the 2007-08 that cost the State Rs 504.32 crore and
Rs 236.68 crore respectively. Worse, the
three National Highways passing through the North-East witnessed economic
blockades for 139 days from April 2006-December 2007, wherein Sikkim lost Rs
7 crore per day.
According to the Union Labour Ministry, 386 strikes and 279
lockouts took place in 2007. While
9,52,000 workers participated, over 95,000 workers were affected due to
lockouts and over 8.36 million mandays lost. Analyse the cost the nation suffered!
Clearly,
part of the current paradox is explained by the changed notion of strikes aka hartal aka bandh as a form of protest. The original concept was centred on the
logic that the only way for a group of disempowered people to shake the system
was to agitate. From a simple gherao
for more wages to a voluntary hartal against
policy decisions. But slowly perversion set in. A strike could be effective
only if stoppage of work could not be overcome easily by the system. Therefore,
the strikers use their power base, including violence, to stall anything that
spells change from the set routine.
Look at the irony. On one hand we
talk of India as the next
super power with a strong economy on par with countries like Japan, Korea
and China.
On the other we fail to realize that strikes are a hindrance to achieving this
goal. In no civilised nations do political parties or trade unions dare to
justify deaths and severe distress of citizens as necessary to voice protest.
Any call for a bandh should come from
the suffering aam aadmi not from netas or corporate-executive fat cats.
Recall, in 1997 the Kerala High
Court held that bandhs were illegal
and people could not be forced to be a part of these. In 2003 the Supreme Court
endorsed this and added, “Government employees had no fundamental, legal, moral
or equitable right” to go on strikes whatever the cause, “just or unjust”.
Pointing out that aggrieved employees had other options available to them, the
Bench opined: Strikes as a weapon is mostly misused, which results in chaos and
total maladministration.
The Apex Court’s judgment also upheld the Kerala Court’s fine
distinction between hartal and a bandh.
It held that hartal was a form
of passive resistance and a call for it did not involve force. While a bandh was an enforced muscle flexing act
which interfered with the freedom and fundamental right of citizens.
True, the
Constitution guarantees one the right to protest, but it does not guarantee one
the right to infringe upon others rights. Unfortunately, our
strikers fail to realize that strikes negate the basic concept of democracy.
These are just a camouflage for non-performance, self-glorification, to gain
sympathy or wriggle out of working hard.
Clearly, the time has come to take a
leaf out of the US
law, wherein there is no constitutional right to make a speech on a highway, so
as to cause a crowd to gather and obstruct traffic. The right to assembly is to
be so exercised as not to conflict with other lawful rights, interests and
comfort of the individual or the public and public order. Also, the
municipality has the power to impose regulations in order to assure the safety
and convenience of the people. And the power to break up a meeting if the
speaker undertakes incitement to riot or breach of peace.
In the UK, the Seditious Meeting Act, 1817
prohibits meetings of more than 50 persons within a mile of Westminster Hall
during the sitting of Parliament. In Japan they strike in a different
way. A case in point. At a shoe factory the workers showed their protest by producing
only one shoe out of the pairs they were meant to manufacture so that though
the output was not out, the production was going on.
Unfortunately, in India a strike
is the weapon of the bully. How long can we allow this? Time to stop giving
into the strong-arm tactics. There is need to hold a referendum where people
decide what is right or wrong. Remember,
paralysing the State, black-mailing corporates, industries to get attention and
policy reversals only exasperates the public and inconveniences them, cuts off
the money flow, shoos off investors, and endangers their own jobs.
The
country needs good governance and economic growth. The right of the citizen is
paramount. The question we all need to ask is: Can we
afford strikes at all, leave aside for what purpose it may have been called? At some point we have to stand up
and bellow, "Bandh karo ye
natak!"--- INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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Obama’s Af-Pak Policy:STRATEGY REVAMP ON CARDS?, by Monish Tourangbam,29 September 2009 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 29 September 2009
Obama’s Af-Pak Policy
STRATEGY REVAMP ON CARDS?
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of International
Studies, JNU
The Af-Pak Policy that President
Barack Obama launched with much fanfare seems to be on a slippery ground. Even
as the commander of the US and NATO forces in Afghanistan, General Stanely
McChrystal, stated that the war against Taliban could be lost within a year
without more troops, Obama administration is exploring an alternative to a
major troop surge in Afghanistan. While the military on ground is pressing on its
urgency, the administration in Washington
D.C. is in no mood to make haste.
A wholesale review of the war effort
in Afghanistan
is being considered. With 51 troops killed in August alone and the Taliban more
organized and sophisticated, military strategists are mulling over as what
should be the next move. Clearly, the Afghan quagmire is muddier than ever and
there seems to be no end to it. The reverses suffered in the war are slowly but
surely eating into the popularity of arguably one of the most charismatic
leaders of our times.
The reconsiderations being
undertaken regarding the American operations in Afghanistan
and Pakistan
might well be a routine affair to introspect on the successes and setbacks of
the Af-Pak policy. But there is no doubt that Obama is having second thoughts
regarding the prospects of the country’s strategy in an eight-year-old
intractable war. The unsettled outcome of the Afghan elections only worsens the
situation in the war-torn country with no clear mandate to take decisions, and
further fears of factional differences among the Afghan population. In spite of
whatever gains American and NATO forces make on the battlefield, Kabul can have a better future
only when the people have faith in their government. A lot hangs on how and
when the final verdict comes and what sort of a mandate and legitimacy the
Afghan government has.
When a country fights a long-drawn war
in a foreign land, things can get only murkier if there are differences of
opinion between the military commander on the ground and the policymakers in
the Capital. And there have been ample signs in this case. Even as General
Chrystal assessed that the Afghan campaign will be in serious jeopardy if more
troops were not approved and sent, the US Secretary of State, Hillary
Clinton, contradicted the same in a televised interview. She said, “But I can
only tell you there are other assessments from very expert military analysts
who have worked in counter-insurgencies that are the exact opposite.”
But, General Chrystal is not without
support, which adds to the internal debate on reviewing the strategy.
Representative Ike Skelton, Democrat of Missouri and chairman of the House
Armed Services Committee, sent Obama a six-page letter arguing, “There is no
strategy short of a properly resourced counter-insurgency campaign that is
likely to provide lasting security.”
When Obama unveiled the Af-Pak
policy, there were both optimists and pessimists’ reviews. If some saw it as pragmatic to win the war, others
viewed it as “Bush wine in Obama’s bottle.” Now, Obama seems to be thinking if
the Af-Pak policy was ad-hoc at best. According to Pentagon officials, he is
undergoing what they call “buyer’s remorse” after ordering an extra 21,000
troops in Afghanistan
within weeks of taking office before even settling on a strategy.
An alternative is being propounded
by US Vice-president, Joe Biden, who favors a revamp of the American strategy.
He prefers to scale down the troop strength in Afghanistan
and instead increase surgical strikes on the Al-Qaeda cells, primarily in Pakistan. But
according to a senior military official, airstrikes cannot achieve the desired
results without significant troop force. In the absence of a policy of
sanitization and maintenance by troops, all the insurgents need to do is re-occupy
the places the troops vacate. Biden has often opined that the US spends something like $30 in Afghanistan for every $1 in Pakistan, even though in his view the main
threat to is in Pakistan.
Earlier this year, Biden was opposed by both Obama and Clinton. But, given the
search for an alternative this time around, he might gain some traction.
It should be good news that Pakistan is being seen as a major problem, but
if implemented the policy runs the risk of increasing Islamabad’s
belligerence against India
by default. Increasing aid money to Pakistan
in the name of supporting the American cause, without proper inspection, could
probably amount to strengthening of the Pakistani military infrastructure directed
against India.
And, it will not be the first time that Islamabad
would engage in such adventurism. But American policy makers seem to suffer
from a short-term memory loss when it comes to dealing with Pakistan’s
notoriety.
General Chrystal stated that
factions of the Pakistani and Iranian intelligence agencies have been
supporting the Taliban and other terrorist groups to carry out attacks on the
US-led international forces in Afghanistan.
As such, while the American strategy targets the stronghold of the Taliban and
Al-Qaeda in Pakistan, a
thorough review of the destination of American aid would go a long way in
easing India’s
tensions. Moreover, pressure should simultaneously be applied on Islamabad to curb the activities of the ISI, which is of
serious concern to New Delhi
well.
Lately there have been some
uncertain issues regarding Indian activities in Afghanistan. It is common knowledge
that New Delhi has invested heavily in the
reconstruction of Afghanistan.
While General McChrystal feels that these investment benefits the Afghan people,
in the same breathe, he says that New Delhi’s increasing
clout is of concern to Pakistan.
India does not have military
ambitions in Afghanistan,
and there is nothing wrong if it has demonstrated its diplomatic success there through
humanitarian activities. Pakistan’s
obsession with India as
threat is not a new-found endeavor and it should not serve as logic for the
American commander to give puzzling comments regarding India’s
influence in the region.
As soon as Obama donned the
Presidency, he raced ahead to distance himself from the policies of his
predecessor Bush, and Afghanistan
was one of the key issues, where he wanted to be different. But, the US military officials are frustrated and some US
Congressional leaders are skeptical regarding the fickle nature of the Obama
administration that might leave the military commanders in Kabul indecisive over the strategy they need to
follow in this raging war.
Obama has always maintained that the
intervention in Iraq was a
war of choice and a big mistake that robbed resources and troops needed for
more legitimate and necessary war in Afghanistan. As such, he had gone
ahead with the policy of troop reduction in Iraq
and that of troop surge in Afghanistan.
But in the thick of things, he is now confronted with the fact that
complexities are abound and maneuverability minimal. Just how Obama tackles Afghanistan
would be an important determinant of his public popularity. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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Right To Education:FULFILLING GANDHIAN IDEAL, by Dhurjati Mukherjee,29 September 2009 |
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Special Article
New Delhi, 29 September 2009
Right To Education
FULFILLING GANDHIAN
IDEAL
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
A long-cherished dream of the father of the nation, Mahatma
Gandhi, has to an extent been fulfilled. After long years of wait, the Government
has eventually taken the revolutionary step: schooling for all children between
six and 14 years is today a fundamental right. Remember, Gandhiji had first
talked of universalization of education way back in 1937.
The passage of the long awaited Right of Children to Free & Compulsory Education Bill by both
houses of Parliament last Session, is a landmark achievement. It binds the Government
in ensuring neighbourhood schooling in three years, bans capitation fees and
bars teachers from offering private tuition. It stipulates a student-teacher
ratio of a maximum 30:1 for primary classes and for other Classes, suggests 35:1,
even as ensuring that all private schools reserve 25 per cent seats for
children from economically disadvantaged backgrounds.
The realization of the Gandhian vision into a law
undoubtedly opens a new chapter in the history of Independent India. It is
expected to change the spectre of education in the country and make it
available to children from the impoverished sections of society. However, the
Bill should have included children below six years and up to 18 years—i.e. cover
the entire gamut of school education up to Class XII. This is undoubtedly justified
and it is hoped the Government would not take much time in accepting the suggestion
and amend the Act accordingly.
There is much to learn from Gandhiji’s concept of education.
In an article in Harijan in 1937, he
observed: “Education of the intellect can only come through a proper exercise
of the bodily organs …. The intelligent use of the bodily organs in a child
provides the best and quickest way of developing his intellect”. No doubt knowledge
of mathematics, history, geography and the sciences are necessary, but they
ought to be imparted “through handicrafts, for example, by explaining the
origin and manufacturing process of the tools, the sources, supply and
processing of raw materials, the amount of goods produces etc.” He wanted the State
to purchase the produce of the schools and guarantee their students employment
in the craft they had learnt.
Gandhiji was aware that the country lived in villages and
accordingly he formulated his ideas on education with great stress on the
crafts. This becomes particularly relevant today because most students do not
go or do not have the capacity to go for higher education. But if they have
some knowledge of the crafts, they could easily become self-employed. Thus,
there is a vital need to frame the curricula in such a way, especially in rural
and semi-urban area schools, that there is sufficient emphasis on the crafts.
Let us not forget that the country has and is facing major
problems of unemployment and under-employment. Therefore, proper learning and
even specialization in the crafts – say in Class XI and XII like one does today
in computers -- could greatly help a large section of students to earn their
livelihood. It is necessary that the curriculum be framed in such a way that
there is ample scope for learning and eventual specialization in a craft at
school and this could start from Class V onwards or even earlier. In all
likelihood it would curtail the drop-out rate. Studying then would become
linked to vocational education.
Another vital aspect of Gandhiji’s idea of education was the
emphasis on spirituality. As he embodied the principles of truth and non-violence
in his political life, he wanted the students to do the same. The understanding
of our religious texts was to him necessary for students to develop a sense of
brotherhood and fraternity as also discipline which, in turn, would lead to
great cohesion and unity in society. This is of utmost importance today as most
schools either teach the Bible or the Koran or the Gita. There is rarely any
school which teaches religious understanding based on the different religious
texts.
Moreover, the need for inculcating a sense of spiritualism
and understanding of non-violence is all the more necessary at such a juncture,
when materialism has pushed up our greed and demands and communal tendencies
have led to inter-religious violence. Worse, alienation and deprivation has
instigated a section to resort to violence. These problems can only be resolved
if students right from schools are imparted education on spiritual lines and
shown the right way to live in life.
According to the Mahatma, inequality and centralization of
power cannot lead to a truly non-violent society. Therefore, he yearned for a
mass moral upsurge to ensure a society, the challenge of which has to be taken
by the young generation of the country. Education has to be tuned in such a way
that the young mind becomes aware of the need for the transformation in society
so that all sections could live in dignity.
However, imparting education is not enough. It has to be
with the right content along with quality teaching. So far, many surveys have
indicated poor quality of teaching and the lack of commitment of teachers. This
must change and with it, the new curriculum should ensure that students find
interest in what they are taught. Proper education should ensure the young mind
is motivated so that the learning process becomes easier and faster.
The Gandhian educational thinking has been totally wedded to
Indian conditions and very much different from the British system, which we
have practiced so far. It needs to be changed and while incorporating modern
trends and current developments, there is need to understand the relevance and
usefulness of the education imparted.
Moreover, education, which has now become a fundamental
right, should not remain bookish but linked to employment needs. A student from
a poor family in a remote area should get the benefit of learning and be able
to stand on his own feet after completing his high school education.
Clearly, basic changes have to be brought into the content
of teaching while also ensuring that teachers are committed. This is easier
said than done. So we do not sustained efforts in this direction. Then only
will Gandhiji’s ideal of education i.e. reaching the masses in every corner of
the country, be fulfilled. Echoing the Mahatma’s vision, the Kothari Commission
observed in its report that there is a need for “a revolution which in turn
will set in motion the much delayed social, economic and cultural revolution”.
---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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